Page 5 - Issue 72

V O L .1 E L I T E ISSUE 72

analysis, and taught me how to employ ultimately resulting in the disintegration of the
international relations in the service of national Soviet empire.
interests. Afterwards, upon returning to Moscow once
As for Moscow, I consider my relationship with again, as an Ambassador in 2002, I witnessed
the Soviet Union and later Russia to be the huge difference between a great country
exceptional in every respect. I first served there with culture and a country infiltrated by
during the Soviet era as Deputy Ambassador Western culture, and a significant shift towards
and later returned as Egypt’s Ambassador to the West, versus the deterioration of its
Russia. My first experience in Moscow traditional relations with Egypt and the Arab
coincided with the collapse of the Soviet empire
under Mikhail Gorbachev, an immensely rich
period, both professionally and personally, as I
witnessed firsthand the collapse of the Soviet
Empire.
I realized then that, despite being founded on
ostensibly ideal theoretical principles, the Soviet
system lacked practical viability. The contrast
was striking: the Soviet Union was a global and African countries. I was surprised to
military superpower, yet its economy was in discover that when I had left Moscow in 1991,
steep decline, dependent on exports of raw trade between Egypt and Russia had stood at
materials, military equipment, and agricultural $1 billion, but upon my return in 2002 it had
goods, while recording negative growth rates dwindled to just $300 million. This only
reaching nearly minus 2% in 1980. reinforced my determination to restore Egypt,
the Arab world, and Africa to the forefront of
Yet with the introduction of Glasnost—
Russia’s agenda.
openness and freedom of expression—under
I must emphasize that the work of an
Gorbachev, these repressed issues erupted
ambassador in such circumstances requires
violently. Minority groups voiced their
strategic vision, a clear compass for prioritizing
accumulated grievances of injustice and
foreign policy interests, and the ability to build
inequality, accelerating the process of
relations across economic, cultural, military,
fragmentation and collapse. This internal
and tourism sectors.
opening coincided with growing exposure to the
My previous work in Moscow was an essential
Western world, which deepened citizens’ sense
asset to my mission as Ambassador, ,
of deprivation and fueled a wave of pent-up
particularly through my longstanding ties with
nationalist discontent. Added to this was the
colleagues who had since risen to senior
power struggle between Gorbachev and Yeltsin,
positions such as Sergey Lavrov, now Russia’s
pushing the country to the brink of massive
Foreign Minister, with whom I worked closely,
internal upheaval. Moreover, this internal
along with many other officials whose
openness coincided with the exposure of Soviet
relationships proved decisive in facilitating tasks
society to the Western World, deepened the
and achieving objectives. This required tireless
citizens' feelings of deprivation and unleashed a
effort, constant vigilance, and decisiveness in
wave of pent-up nationalist discontent, let
action.
alone, the power struggle between Gorbachev
It was necessary for upgrading the relations
and Yeltsin, pushing the country to the brink of
between Egypt and Russia to culminate in a
a massive internal implosion.
strategic political seed and accomplishing an
The Soviet army found itself faced with a
exchange of visits of Presidents Mubarak and
difficult choice: either confront and intervene to
Putin. Indeed, the first such visit was arranged 5
suppress the protests, which would have led to
in 2004,
bloodshed or allow events to unfold naturally,